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<\/p>\nThis year (2024) marks the diamond Jubilee of the communist movement in Nepal. Its already been 75 years since the birth of NCP in April 22, 1949. It has many ups and down and even many moments of victory and defeats. In terms of ideology, leadership and organizational principles, there are few unique and promising trends of Nepalese communist movement which needs to be understood it its own geographical, politico-economic and historical context. As different communist parties here in Nepal, are celebrating this year, with different program, this piece of writing, has been dedicated to the revolutionaries in Nepal, my from side and would like to share my own perspective on overviewing Nepalese communist movement. For the Marxist and Leninist, this writing also marks the 100th Anniversary of Lenin and 175 years of Red Book Day (1848-2023). In Nepal its exactly the 100 years of the birth of Comrade Pushpalal, who founded the Nepalese Communist Movement.<\/p>\n
There is plethora of literatures on Communist movement in Nepal. Few of them are also in English. But for anyone who is interested to know about communist in Nepal from a Communist Perspective, not Academic or outsiders, writings were lacking. Comrade Pushpalal, founding general secretary of NCP wrote the overview of Communist Movement of Nepal before 55 years. But later on, due to many divisions and claims, there is also differences in interpretation on dates, people, mainstream, and controversies too. Other attempts to summarize the history mostly in Nepali either too long or biased. I think it is worth to overview the historical journey, achievement and challenges of communist movement in Nepal in a shortest possible way.<\/p>\n
There are many questions for communist in Nepal on what brought the communist in Nepal together which inspired many of the communist around the world. But within two years of much talk, mystery and when the full answer of how unification was possible ? there was already division and fight among the communist in Nepal. Now the questions is why the unification couldn\u2019t succeed and what forced them to split. This small booklet also tries to present historically the process of unification and division of Nepal Communist Party. Why there are many communist parties in Nepal ? How could they get a strong support from the people for more than three decades continuously? Nepalese communists are also blamed as the communist by name only. What are indeological political debate among major parties ?\u00a0 and also for having central committee of not only 400 or 500 but even thousands. That\u2019s why and how we will be presenting the most complicated story of Nepalese communist Movement addressing many questions we have in mind in a clear and shortest possible way.<\/p>\n
The series of articles are a window into the history of Communist movement in Nepal. It is not a comprehensive story, but the opening of a dialogue about Nepali Communist movement, its success, challenges, history and way forward.<\/p>\n
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Before we start to overview and analyze the historical Journey of Communist Movement in Nepal, it is important to understand the time we live in since the present international political economy and historical development of imperialism influences the events and phenomenon in many countries. Similarly, the national conjuncture is also important to understand the context of various developments. Here we present briefly the global and national conjuncture of Nepal at present.<\/p>\n
Global-Local Interface<\/strong><\/p>\n We live in the era of hyperimperialism, the hyper stage of imperialism and highest stage of Capitlalism (Tricontinental, 2024)[1]. The imperialism of recent manifestation which is aggressive, warmonger, arrogant, decadant and dangerous mostly based on military forces. During the beginning of this era, there was the rise of neo-fascists[2], fundamentalists (religious) and ultra-nationalists regime of the last decade, and which has become more dangerous with NATO involved war in Ukraine, genocide in Palestine, reorganization of NATO, G7, Five Eyes and establishment of AUKUS and QUAD[3].<\/p>\n This new faces of neo-liberal capitalism and imperialism has inherited its own contradictions and crises. It has become more oppressive and aggressive to the people with the introduction of new lethal and brutal reforms at regional, multilateral and bilateral forums. It has monopolized science and technology, education and culture. The ideology of imperialist hegemony to rule the people and divided the working-class using military, money and media is more severe. It has continuously attacked the communist and socialist movement in the world both by NGOigation, infiltration and corruption as well as with naked suppression, criminalization, war and sanctions. We also live in the period of hybrid war[4], techno-feudalism[5], data and digital monopoly; and surveillance Capitalism[6].<\/p>\n Despite all the inherited contradictions and crises, capitalism, continue to put forward it’s\u00a0business as usual agendas\u00a0<\/em>as the false solution in the name of green economy, climate smart agriculture, bio-energy and though called bourgeoisie democracy. That is why a system that undermines the nature, humanity and peace in its profit monger\u00a0<\/em>has continued grabbing of the resources and accumulation of capital further suppressing-oppressing the working class and middle class such as migrants, refugees, indigenous people, women, peasants and labor. The widening gap between rich and poor manifested in rise of billions and marginalization of millions, increasing poverty and hunger in the world shows its immediate impacts. This political capitalism and bourgeoisie democracy which has failed to maintain rule of law and justice to the people has now became xenophobic and hostile to the majority, leading assault on people’s rights and putting sanctions on progressive government such as Cuba, DPRK and Venezuela. The glimpses of impacts of corporate and financial capital are troublesome which are manifested in war, genocide, corruption, inequality, pandemic and hunger.<\/p>\n It is true that increasing exploitation and oppression makes the fight of people stronger, that’s the rule of dialectics. In this fight against corporate financial capitalism, proletariat is not alone. At least the world has realized the faults in the system and a larger masses are the victim of this system. Along with Peasants, labors, women, indigenous people and migrants; other groups such as environmentalist, human rights activists and even lower middle class are also demanding the system change. But those resistance is not organized and has different dimensions. Only the class struggle can really bring the transformation. At the same time, the left and socialist should realize that whether it is the climate justice movement or the peasants movement building agro-ecological alternatives at grassroots, there is a need to consolidate and unify those struggles. The movements like \u201cLa Via Campesina, International People’s Assembly, World March of Women, Progressive International, World Social Forum\u201d\u00a0[7], and parallel people’s forum against WTO, Bretton Wood Institutions, COP are few other platforms to see the resistance and struggles. The old legacy of Communist International and The International Meeting of Communist and Workers Party is also trying to build cooperation among Communists. But they have not able to take advantages of the crisis of neoliberal crisis and put forward new development agendas against crony Capitalism[8]. As the fight against this system is not easy, interventional at all levels and united efforts of all the mass movements, people’s organizations and left forces can only lead us to build hopes for working class and liberate all people. Yes, the fight for socialism and a better future has not degenerated. In the grassroots there are successful campaigns, alternatives local economies and people’s sovereign practices. The need of our time is just to bring close and together those resistance and movements for the united struggles. It’s the class consciousness which unify the people power. Growing struggles of peasants, workers, women, migrants, indigenous people and marginalized groups have been successful to bow down the regime in many cases. It has shown hopes in few places and even states. People united are never be defeated, the victory of the peasants movement in India, second pink tide in Latin America and growing South-South Cooperation, BRICS and Rising China gives us hopes.<\/p>\n National Context<\/strong><\/p>\n In this international conjuncture, Nepalese conjuncture is more complex to analyze because of its fragility, instability and proximity to global politics. Political instability has been a feature of Nepalese politics after the restoration of democracy in 1990. Nepalese geopolitics and her dependency led to proximity to the world system. Therefore, it is said that weather and politics in Nepal are quite difficult to predict. Nepal is an example of international political economic practice. The phenomenon in the global politics; Crisis, conflict, hopes, victory, unity and division all are manifested in Nepal today. In Nepal, Communist are still the dominant forces in national politics. In 2017, the brave working class in Nepal had given a new hope and set an example of rise of socialist movement again. Sooner, imperialist was good enough to divide the left and also to create the rift among the left which was so intense that they formed alliance with any forces, rightist and conservatives, to completely sideline the other section of communist. But we have seen many instances that it doesn’t take much time for left in Nepal whether to come together or go apart. There are still hopes. Huge popular support and their recent contribution on establishing federal republicanism after 2006, and overcome the imperialist aggression and regional hegemony will be strength of left in Nepal. Their division, political-ideological dilemma and lack of concrete socialist development agendas are their weakness. It is not easy to predict the future. But Nepal Communist movement is at the crossroads, whether this will be crumbled due to their internal weakness and external interventions or rise again in the next election due to the unity of left.<\/p>\n Nepal: At a glance<\/strong><\/p>\n The history of Nepal is the history of class struggle. It is a history of thousands of years of struggle to develop a society where the people are sovereign. Old republican experiments \u2013 of the\u00a0Gopalas<\/em>[9]<\/strong><\/em>\u00a0and the\u00a0Mahishapalas<\/em>[10], the states of\u00a0Mithila and Shakya<\/em>\u00a0[11]\u2013 were lost to the monarchs and emperors who took from the people what was not theirs to take, namely power. These were ruling Nepal before 2500 years.<\/p>\n Kirat<\/em>s, the Mongolian, ruled Nepal since 8th<\/sup>\u00a0century BC to 3rd<\/sup>\u00a0century AD. Lichchhavi dynasty replaced them and ruled Nepal for more than 600 years. With the inauguration of the\u00a0Malla<\/em>[12]\u00a0Dynasty, Nepal experienced the widening of the gap between the ruler and the ruled, the king and the people. The longest medieval period of around 888 years was the dark ages in institutionalizing feudalism, nepotism, fatalism and patriarchy despite few achievements in art, literature and cultural heritage. It is into this gap that we see the arrival of the\u00a0Gorkha<\/em>[13]<\/strong><\/em>\u00a0King Prithvi Narayan Shah (when \u2013 in 1768 \u2013 the territory of Nepal was forged). But the start of the century-long rule of the family of Jung Bahadur Rana from 1846 institutionalized the feudalism. Nepal\u2019s people\u2019s movement, which fought the rule of the Monarchy and the Rana family, is coterminous with the history of Nepal\u2019s left. For there would be no Left in Nepal, no communist movement, if there was not already a popular upsurge against tyranny and a sense of egalitarianism deeply rooted in Nepali culture.<\/p>\n Nepal is a small country \u2013 29 million inhabitants \u2013 that is held on both sides by giant states, India and China, with high mountains and fertile valleys, with rich bio-diversity and human diversity. Yet, Nepal is a country of great suffering \u2013 a fourth of its population in poverty. It is this contradiction between Nepal\u2019s wealth and its poverty, between its inability to make its own history, that socialism makes its presence felt. Now, Nepal is one of the youngest Republican state since 2008 AD enjoys a new inclusive constitution by constituent assembly released in 2015AD. It is this history that I will narrate in this book.<\/p>\n The political economy of Nepal has been part of the global economic order due to her interdependence and dependency. Though Nepal joined the world system, opening her doors after 1990s, there was rampant structural adjustment reforms and neoliberal reforms in 1990 and 2000s demolishings national self-reliant economy, medium and small scale industries and privatization of commons.<\/p>\n The overthrow of Monarchy in 2006, formally ended the era of feudalism but there are still many remains especially in socio-cultural domains. The beginning of capitalist era\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0already dominated by financial capital, comprador-bureaucratic capitalism has destroyed the agriculture and production sector. The country heavily depend of imports of goods, foods, and technology and petroleum products.\u00a0\u00a0Due to the non-industrialized, rural, agrarian economy, the state receive huge conditional loan and aid from Bretton wood institutions and world powers. 20% people are still below poverty line, almost half of the active population are outside country with one of the highest migration rate and remittance is major source of national income.<\/p>\n The rising extremist forces both conservative monarch and fundamentalist as well as right wing pose great challenge to the institutionalization of great political achievement made for the last two decades especially through the constitution of 2015.<\/p>\n [1] Hyper-imperialism: A dangerous decadant new stage by trincontinental institute for social research is a research book powered by Global South insights published in January 2024.<\/p>\n [2] Neo-fascism has been used here to refer to new fascist regime appeared in this century which are more suppressive and autocratic uses military and nationalism tools to criminalize people\u2019s movement.<\/p>\n [3] Australia-UK-US defence deal (AUKUS) and quadrilateral agreement of US, Japan, India and Asutralia (QUAD) are recent imperialist attempts to threat the rising China.<\/p>\n [4] A term used mostly by Tricontinental, its director Vijay Prashad and International People\u2019s Assembly to denote the use of various military and nonmilitary action by imperialisms which includes sanctions, hegemony, agreements and war.<\/p>\n [5] The tech giants have overthrown capitalism. That\u2019s the argument of former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis, Technofeudalism argues that Apple, Facebook, and Amazon have changed the economy so much that it now resembles Europe\u2019s medieval feudal system. The tech giants are the lords, while everyone else is a peasant, working their land for not much in return<\/p>\n [6] Shoshana Zuboff in the book The age of Surveillance Capitalism refer that we are under severe surveillance under digital iron cage of Capitalism.<\/p>\n [7] These are some of the dominant progressive peoples forum existing today.<\/p>\n [8] Crony Capitalism benefits the ruling class-Political leaders, business class and bureaucrats.<\/p>\n [9] The cow herders who lived and rule Kathmandu near 3,000 years ago.<\/p>\n [10] The next dynasty who ruled then Nepal after Gopalas were the buffalo herders.<\/p>\n [11] Mithila and Shakya was the historical communal state during the beginning of feudal state. Sita (Goddess in Hindu) was one of the princess of Mithila. Similarly pioneer of Buddhism, the Gautam Buddha was born in Shakya state in Lumbini.<\/p>\n [12] Malla are the medieval rulers of Nepal which took the golden ancient civilization to a darker age of feudalism, war against each other and division of state into many small territories<\/p>\n [13] Gorkha was a small state in the western part of Kathmandu which is now a district of Nepal. The modern unification of Nepal was started by then Gorkha king.<\/p>\n Part III.<\/span><\/u><\/b><\/p>\n <\/u><\/b>Early Communist History<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n The spread of Marxism and Soviet Revolution has a great impact around the world. After the success of October revolution, Lenin reorganized the communist international in 1919 and advocated the world Communism. Many Communist Parties in Asia from Indonesia, India to China were formed by the influence of third international. There was also a direct impact of communist movement and the freedom movement of India in Nepal and Nepalese people in 1930s and 1940s. Political Parties and Social Movements in Nepal established during this context.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n The Communist Party of Nepal was established in 1949. India, Nepal\u2019s southern neighbour, won its independence in 1947 and two years later China, Nepal\u2019s northern neighbour, secured its People\u2019s Republic. The influence of the 1917 October Revolution against the Tsarist Empire rested on the shoulders of the five comrades who established Nepal\u2019s Communist Party on April 22: Pushpalal Shrestha, Narayan Bilas Joshi, Niranjan Govinda Vaidhya, Nar Bahadur Karmacharya and Moti Devi Shrestha (Though comrade Motidevi was not present in the founding meeting, four founders agreed to include her in the founding committee). The Party grew out of the ongoing movements across Nepal against the tyranny of the Rana rulers. The early Communists, who had been developed by these struggles, formed various fronts to help shape these movements. Amongst these fronts was the peasant\u2019s association.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n On September 15, 1949, the Party released its first Manifesto. The objective of the Party, it was stated, was to guarantee the peasants rights, establish a People\u2019s Republic which would end both feudalism and autocracy and fight against imperialism. Therefore the program was the bourgeoisie democratic revolutionary program ending feudalism. At the first Central Committee meeting, Comrade Pushpalal became the General Secretary of the Party. But the other founding members were not elected to the first central committee. This was a sign of the tensions in the young party. At the party\u2019s first Congress, the previous General Secretary \u2013 Pushpalal \u2013 was ejected and Manmohan Adhikari was elected in his place.<\/span><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/span>The party was not strong enough to play a significant role in Nepali politics at that time. The party members nonetheless participated in the agitation that overthrew Nepal\u2019s oligarchy, the Rana family, and established democracy in the country in 1950. Nepal\u2019s Communist Party went into a serious debate over how to react to the establishment of democracy in Nepal. One side of the party argued that the new democratic opening must be embraced and that the Nepali communists must play a role in shaping the new democratic system. Another side of the party, concerned about the passive nature of the transition and the continuation of the role of the Monarchy, suggested that this\u00a0Delhi agreement[1]<\/b><\/i>\u00a0was a betrayal to the people against the growing people’s struggles for democracy. This inner-party struggle has within it the seeds of all the splits that will follow. Though the communist party was banned in 1951, government decided to lift ban over it’s activities. Then in the next election they decided to take part in election. In the election of 1958, the Communist Party of Nepal fought hard despite the limited nature of the democratic system. It won four seats out of 109 and got 7% of the popular vote.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n Differences in the early communist party deepened. Internal debates about how to understand the new democratic period was increasing. Taking advantages of the party rifts, Kesharjung Rayamajhi organised a second congress of the party capturing party power in the absence of Manmohan Adhikari (who was in China to participate in the 8th<\/sup>\u00a0congress of Chinese Communist party and stayed there for few years to cure Malaria). He replaced Adhikari as the party\u2019s General Secretary in 1956. The great debate over international communism precipitated the internal debate. Some took the Moscow line, others the Chinese line. Some wanted more participation in the current system, others wanted to emphasise mass struggles. Even more bizarrely, one section of the party supported the monarchy. Rayamajhi supported the King, after the King dissolved the elected parliament and established the autocratic Panchayat (One party) Regime in 1960. All political fronts opposed this coup against democracy. But, Rayamajhi[2]\u00a0Who was in Moscow in his visit supported the King stating that the step of the King was a \u201cProgressive one\u201d<\/i>. This exposed his personal link with the King and bought tensions within the party.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The King banned all political activity after 1960. Many communist political leaders \u2013 Manmohan Adhikari and Mohan Bikram Singh, for instance \u2013 were arrested. Since Rayamajhi surrender himself with Monarchy, Pushpalal, who was then in India, organised a plenum of the party in\u00a0Darbhangha\u00a0<\/i>(India) to discuss the situation and to craft a strategy to deal with it. The plenum did not help unify the party since there emerged different tactical line to continue the struggle. Within Nepal, in 1962, the party held its third congress which elected Tulsi Lal Amatya as the new general secretary. In the third congress, Pushpalal pushed the agenda of restoration of dissolved parliament, Mohan Bikram (who was in Jail) sent a document for the constitutional assembly and Tulsilal Amatya presented the program of National Democracy. The congress approved the demand of restoration of parliament and it took action against Rayamajhi for betrayal of party who later established his own left party. Due to the ideological differences, intra party rift grew and ultimately Puspalal organized a conference and the conference declared him as general secretary in 1968.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The Sino-Soviet dispute marked the debates within Nepal\u2019s communist movement. The question of the armed struggle \u2013 influenced by the Chinese example of that time \u2013 came on the table. In 1970, a major fraction of Pushpalal\u2019s group formed the Mukti Morcha (Liberation Front). Similarly, in the eastern part of Nepal, one group of communists inaugurated the Jhapa movement (in Jhapa district of Nepal). Influenced by the Naxalites of India and the Maoists of China, young communists took up the gun. Next to Jhapa, in Morang, another radical communist group opened up an armed struggle. Madhav Nepal, Jhalanatha Khanal, K. P. Oli, Mukunda Neupane, Pradeep Nepal, Mohan Chandra Adhikari, CP Mainali and RK Mainali were leaders in these armed rebellions. Despite fierce state repression, these movements in Jhapa and Morang emerged as popular working-class and peasant movements.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The reaction of the Communist Party leadership to these manoeuvres was to find unity amongst the factions. In 1970, Mohan Bikram Singh, Nirmal Lama, Shambhu Ram Shrestha and Manmohan Adhikari left prison and attempted to unify the various groups. They were unsuccessful. Then all three leaders later formed three separate parties. Mohan Bikram Singh organized the fourth congress to form fourth congress group and Manmohan Adhikari and Bharat Mohan Adhikari formed the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist). Another leader Bishnu Bahadur Manandhar left the party and later formed new party. In 1975 Narayan Man Bijukchhe, a Central committee leader in Pushpalal Group left the party and formed a new party which is now known as Nepal Peasants and workers party. Party division characterised the communists. More than a dozen groups \u2013 many very small \u2013 emerged in this period.<\/span><\/p>\n [1]\u00a0The Delhi agreement was tripartite agreement done among the democratic right wing Nepali congress party, the king whose power was captured by age long family Rana oligarchy and ruling Rana government mediated by the newly independent democratic Indian government. Communist were not the part of agreement as well as there was the major voice that this was not the achievement in terms of what they were struggling for. This agreement ended the Rana oligarchy and established democracy under constitutional monarchy.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n [2]<\/span>\u00a0Rayamajhi later in his life became a close to Monarchy.<\/span><\/p>\n 4th Part 1st Feb.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Revival of the Party and the Restoration of Democracy<\/strong><\/p>\n Attempts to unify the many communist streams did not end despite the lack of success in these attempts. Eventually, in the late 1970s, a process developed to create a Co-ordination Centre. This process brought together the\u00a0Jhapa<\/em>\u00a0and<\/em>\u00a0Morang[1]<\/strong><\/em>\u00a0movement as well as other radical mass struggles. Co-ordination centre united such groups as the Mukti Morcha, the Jhapa movement, the Morang Radical Committee, Red Flag, and the Gandak Bureau. C. P. Mainali, a young comrade in his thirties was elected as the general secretary of the Co-ordination Centre. On Mao\u2019s birthday \u2013 December 26 \u2013 in 1978, the members of the Co-ordination Centre created the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist). Along with Radical Youths, Madan Bhandari, Jibraj Asrit, Modnath Pasrit, Bamdev Gautam and other leaderss came into one formation. More focused ideological discussion and agreement was now possible. A strong grassroots movement developed as the new party deepened its roots amongst the people. Many groups united but the fourth congress group not.<\/p>\n As the communists built the confidence of the peasantry and the working-class, the students took to the streets to demand an end to the monarch\u2019s rule and for the inauguration of a multi-party democracy. The student movement of 1975 was able to hit the street which ultimately raise broad alliances with other mass movement and in 1980, was successful in getting the King to allow a referendum on the question of a multi-party democracy. This was a major victory for popular struggles. But one section boycotted the referendum, while the state used its power over the institutions to prevent any real campaigning and used its influence to divide the opposition. The referendum for a multi-party democracy was defeated by a small margin in 1980. Nonetheless, it showed that there was a mandate for democracy. Despite all the shenanigans of the state and the King, the people still came out to support a different system. This lifted the confidence of the political parties and of the masses. Unity and mass front also helped to normalize the party from it’s extreme line.<\/p>\n The Nepali Communists developed a well-structured and open party organisation through this period. Many struggles and campaign were launched in various part of country. More achievement were made in ideological debate and orientation. In the ideological debate of 1980s Madan Bhandari, a NCP ML leader in his late 30s coming previously from Pushpalal and then from Liberation front background came as a leading figure to have dominant vision on crucial issues of identifying major contradictions and party program, strategies and tactics. Madan Kumar Bhandari, as a NCP ML leader offered a challenge to the existing debate of party freedom or political freedom and the new democracy,\u00a0\u00a0putting forward an innovative view of People\u2019s Multi-Party Democracy (PMPD). PMPD, under the Marxism and Leninism was a doctrine of re-organizing the communists through peaceful democratic struggles, both at the street and parliament to advanced towards socialism of the specific country’s context. The people’s multi-party democracy as a Marxist ideology, states the establishment and promotion of scientific socialism in line with the features of the 21st century. The ideological debate in the party continued, but it also sharpened the assessment of the party. Matters came to a head in the party convention of 1989 when Madan Bhandari elected as the General Secretary in the fourth congress of Nepal communist party Marxist Leninist. The fourth congress of CPN ML opened the space for larger alliance with left and nationalist. In 1992, the fifth congress of the party held and People’s Multiparty Democracy as the political line and program of party was passed.<\/p>\n On the other side, the old question remained: should the communists have alliance with the bourgeois nationalists to fight the monarchy? Sections of the communist movement, led by Mohan Bikram and Nirmal Lama, were vehemently opposed to any association with the bourgeois nationalists. Pushpalal was convinced that it was essential to have an alliance. From 1974, Mohan Bikram and Nirmal Lama had been associated with the ground-level people\u2019s movement, which could easily be radicalised into an armed struggle. The ground was prepared and this was a very strong movement during late 1970s. Nevertheless, as the tempo of the people\u2019s movement increased in the 1979\/1980s towards the overthrow of the monarchical system. In 1983, Mohan Bikram broke with his allies and formed the Communist Party of Nepal (Masal) leaving Nirmal Lama to lead the former party. Mohan Bikram was forced to do so due to his personal and ideological criticism. The Mohan Bikram Led CPN\u00a0Masal<\/em>\u00a0divided into two groups \u2013 Masal and Mashal in 1985. CPN\u00a0Mashal<\/em>\u00a0the fraction led by Mohan Baidhya blamed him for postponing the launching of armed struggle time and again and being opportunistic. The leadership of CPN Mashal was later on replaced by a Pushpa Kamal Dahal,\u00a0Prachanda<\/em>\u00a0in 1988 who had joined the fourth congress group before 7 years as a student leader.<\/p>\n In 1990, multi-party democracy established in Nepal. It was possible due to the united people’s struggle. The most of the Communists formed alliance with the bourgeoisie, nationalists and the democratic forces to lead this struggle. The pressure of unity of action swelled into the pressure for the communists to unite. The Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninists) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist) united in 1991 to form the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist, UML). Actually the united left front of CPN ML, CPN M, Nepal peasants and workers party, CPN Amatya and Manandhar group etc created this platform. Similarly, hardliners, the two factions of the Communist Party of Nepal Mashal and Masal led by Mohan Bikram and Prachanda, Fourth Congress group led by Nirmal Lama and Proletariat and workers organization also allied with each other as the CPN Unity Centre forming another left front. This was first an electoral alliance in 1991 that led to party unity between two Mashal. In the parliament of 1991, six Communist parties took their seats. The Communist Party of Nepal (UML) was the largest communist party \u2013 the second largest party in the legislature after the\u00a0Nepali Congress<\/em>[2].<\/p>\n In this period, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) grew to be a formidable electoral force. In the 1992 elections, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) won 68 seats out of 205 (the other left parties won 11 seats). Three years later, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) won the largest bloc in parliament and formed a government. It lasted for nine months. This was a minority government of the largest party. By all measures, that government \u2013 led by the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) \u2013 became the most popular government for the next twenty-year period since 1990. It enabled the UML to become a popular mass party. Public policy reforms and new programs introduced at that time is still the base of popularity of UML at present.<\/p>\n Political crises within the Communist movement nonetheless broke out with frequency. In 1993, the general secretary of the UML \u2013 Madan Bhandari \u2013whom the new York times referred as Karl Marx Still Lives in Nepal<\/em>– a greatly popular leader, whose personal charisma and ideological clarity influenced the movement, was killed in mysterious circumstances. Five years later, the UML split once more. Meanwhile, the group led by Prachanda, went underground and opened up the period of the people\u2019s war. Again the left divided and rightist party and Monarchy took advantage.<\/p>\n [1]\u00a0Jhapa and Morang are the two districts in Eastern Nepal.<\/p>\n [2]\u00a0Nepali congress is a liberal bourgeoisie party and has ruled country most of the time during democratic period. It is was the largest party in the country.<\/p>\n Vth Part, 8th February:<\/p>\n In 1995, Prachanda and his comrades began to make preparations for an armed struggle. It was the result of historical and dialectical processes. One group which was focussing on armed revolution since the establishment of fourth congress was now headed by suitable leadership. On the other side, fraction of unity centre took part in the election but got only few seats. Baburam Bhattrai and other parliamentarian put forwarded their demands, but couldn\u2019t get their demands fulfilled and left the parliament to join the armed struggle. They went underground and organised themselves for a protracted war that lasted for a decade. In the initial period, those who would later be fashioned as the Maoists did militant work in Rolpa and Rukum districts in Western Nepal. This mass work was met with state repression. It is fair to say that it was the state repression that forced the Maoists to declare an open people\u2019s war on February 13, 1996. Until then, they were prepared to build their bases through open militant work. This was seen by the state as a provocation. It led exhorably to war.<\/span><\/p>\n During the decade of the people\u2019s war, the Maoists were able to run a successful parallel government in more than half of the Nepali territory \u2013 almost all rural Nepal. The motivation of the peasantry was lifted by these reforms in the countryside who took even brutal actions against feudalism. They joined the People\u2019s Liberation Army to defend these gains. At its highest, the People\u2019s Liberation Army was comprised of 20,000 troops. The war was hard fought. Over the decade, 17,000 were killed, thousands went missing and many thousands were displaced from their homes and livelihood. Imperialist and the right wing government in Nepal tagged them as terrorist groups and suppressed the struggle.<\/span><\/p>\n In 2001, Royal massacre took place killing all the family member of the king. Only the family of then king\u2019s brothers were alive. His brother Ganendra Shah became a new king. The new King was unable to regain the trust of the people. He was ambitious and attempted to seize all power. When he started absolute Monarchy, people knew about the undue ambition. But he went against people\u2019s will and dissolved the elected government. He awakened in the Nepali people a revulsion at the absolute monarchy which was already campaigning by people\u2019s war. Royal massacre and undue ambition of new king created a conducive environment for the political change in Nepal.<\/span><\/p>\n In one side, the war exhausted the Nepali people. The corruption of the state and the venality of the royal family turned the exhaustion into disgust. It was clear that there was a popular mood not only for a peace process to end the war, but for a political process to set aside the monarchy in favour of a federal republic. This was the political direction opened up by the people\u2019s war. On the other hand, the parliamentary parties \u2013 to defend democracy \u2013 formed a seven-party alliance[1]<\/a>\u00a0to fight against absolute Monarchy, but people fed up of political instability were not much supporting the alliance.<\/span><\/p>\n And there comes a turning point, the alliance of Maoist and seven party alliance against the absolute Monarchy.<\/span><\/p>\n Some UML leaders were in close contact with the leadership of the Maoists. They held a few secret talks to see about the launching a joint movement to establish democracy in Nepal. These conversations led to a 12-point agreement between the Maoists and the seven-party alliance. The right-wing parties hesitated to join hands with this alliance. They did not want to sign an agreement with the Maoists to establish a republic. But, they had to recognise the popular sentiment against the autocratic monarchy and for a multi-party democracy. Similarly, as the leader of Unity Centre, Comrade Prakash (Narayan Kaji Shrestha) was in close contact with Maoist. He was also facilitating the underground party and the ruling force to find a peaceful solution.\u00a0\u00a0Thus, a favourable time came.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n The seven-party alliance had engaged in resolute peaceful protests across Nepal. In April 2006, the Maoists declared a ceasefire for 90 days. Many of their cadre and supporters joined in the peaceful movement. On the 19th<\/sup>\u00a0day of the struggle, the King felt compelled to negotiate with the parties. He agreed to re-establish the parliament, form the interim government of struggling forces and to hold elections for a Constituent Assembly. It was a major victory.<\/span><\/p>\n\n
\n\n\nPeople\u2019s War, Royal Massacre and Peace process<\/h1>\n